Executive summary
This report argues that, despite the British government’s insistence that UK support for the 2026 US-Israeli campaign against Iran was limited and primarily defensive, evidence from media and open-source reporting suggests that several UK-administered bases played more important roles in enabling American military operations than No 10 Downing Street might admit.
RAF Fairford appears to have been the most directly involved, hosting large numbers of US strategic bombers that reportedly conducted strike missions against Iran, while Diego Garcia was explicitly authorised for attacks on missile sites despite limited public evidence of its operational use. RAF Lakenheath functioned as a key transit and deployment hub for combat aircraft, RAF Mildenhall supported extensive aerial refuelling and special operations activity, and RAF Akrotiri appears to have contributed intelligence and surveillance capabilities while being excluded from offensive strike operations.
Thos report concludes that the distinction between “defensive” support and participation in offensive military action is thin at beast, especially given the scale of US activity conducted from UK-controlled territory and the practical limits of British oversight over dynamic targeting decisions.
Context
On 28 February 2026, the United States and Israel launched a barrage of fire that they had called, in typical hubristic fashion, Operation Epic Fury. It was the largest-ever air campaign that Iran had ever experienced. Within the opening minutes, strikes killed the Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, members of his immediate family, senior Iranian officials, and countless others across the Middle East. According to Gen. Dan Caine, Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, the operation involved more than 100 aircraft and struck approximately 1,000 targets during its first 24 hours. The opening day of the conflict was also a tragedy of unimaginable horror. A strike on a girls’ school in Minab killed more than 175 children and teachers, according to Iranian officials. Subsequent reporting suggests that US planners may have relied on outdated intelligence when choosing their targets, prompting scrutiny from AOAV and others and opening up plenty of pointed questions about US authorities’ competence and their low regard for international law, despite their assurances of it being high.
Invariably, the UK played a role. How much of a role that was is the debate of this paper, but it centered around decisions regarding US access to military facilities on British-administered soil. On 1 March, Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer stated that the UK had declined to join the attacks but had granted Washington’s requests to use its bases for “specific” and “limited” defensive operations against Iranian missile threats. The government reaffirmed this position on 2 and 5 March. On 20 March, however, it expanded authorisation to include strikes against missile sites targeting shipping in the Strait of Hormuz from its Diego Garcia and Fairford bases, while explicitly excluding RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus the following day.
This report, then, examines media and open-source rerorting concerning US forces’ use of NSF Diego Garcia, RAF Fairford, RAF Lakenheath, RAF Mildenhall, and RAF Akrotiri to support combat, logistical, and intelligence operations during the conflict. It’s conclusions challenge the claims of the UK government as to how limited the UK’s role in the US attack in Iran has really been.
NSF Diego Garcia
Diego Garcia, Chagos Archipelago – ICAO: FJDG / IATA: NKW
Around 1,000 miles (1,600 km) from the nearest landmass, Naval Support Facility (NSF) Diego Garcia is a joint UK-US base supporting operations in the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf. The atoll, a UK-administered territory disputed by Mauritius, has hosted US and UK forces since being leased to Washington in 1966 and is staffed primarily by US personnel. Following the forced removal of the Chagossian population in 1967, Diego Garcia typically houses around 400 military personnel and more than 2,000 Department of Defense (DoD) civilians and contractors.
While all military and civilian personnel on Diego Garcia fall under British Indian Ocean Territory law, it has long been alleged to have served as a CIA black site, particularly during the US-led “War on Terror”. Due to the facility’s secrecy and remoteness, evidence directly linking it to specific strikes remains limited. Nevertheless, it emerged repeatedly in reporting surrounding US preparations for and conduct execution of the war.
Prior to the June 2025 US-Israeli war on Iran, a photograph taken on Diego Garcia showed a B-2 Spirit bomber preparing to take-off from the island. Its caption stated that six B-2s and approximately 250 personnel from the 392d Expeditionary Bomb Squadron had deployed from Whiteman Air Force Base, Missouri, to conduct combat missions. Although the B-2 contingent was reportedly replaced by B-52 Stratofortress bombers in May 2025, experts and officials anticipated the aircraft’s return to Diego Garcia.
Days before the outbreak of the 2026 war, The Aviationist reported that six US F-16CM Block 50 aircraft – multi-role fighters capable of both air-to-air and air-to-ground combat – had been relocated to Diego Garcia from Misawa Air Base, Japan. Following the UK’s 1 March decision to permit the use of its bases for “defensive” missions, The Telegraph reported that both Diego Garcia and RAF Fairford were being prepared for the arrival of B-2 Bombers. On 20 March, following Iranian strikes on British allies across the Middle East, the UK government authorised the US to use both bases to strike missile sites believed to be targeting international shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.
The Northrop B-2 Spirit is a long-range, high-subsonic bomber capable of delivering both conventional and nuclear munitions. It boasts an unrefuelled range of approximately 6,900 miles (9,600 km) and a substantial 60,000 lb (27,216kg) maximum payload. Crucially, it is the only aircraft in the US arsenal capable of delivering the 30,000 lb GBU-57 “Bunker Buster,” designed to destroy targets buried deep underground and first used in combat against Iranian nuclear facilities during Operation Midnight Hammer in June 2025. Boeing’s comparatively cumbersome B-52 Stratofortress is a long-range, heavy bomber used for strategic strikes, air support, and counter-air and maritime operations. Serving since 1952, the B-52 has served in every US theatre since.
RAF Fairford
Gloucestershire, England – ICAO: EGVA / IATA: FFD
RAF Fairford is a US-leased base in Gloucestershire that has supported US operations since the Second World War. A key facility for US Air Force (USAF) Global Strike Command, it hosts the 501st Combat Support Wing and a squadron of the 422d Air Base Group, and serves as the USAF in Europe’s only forward operating bomber base. Its principal value lies in its two-mile (3km) runway, reinforced to support heavy bombers such as the B-1 and B-2, both of which saw significant use during Operation Epic Fury.
Fairford is supported by RAF Welford, Europe’s second-largest conventional munitions storage facility and home to the USAF’s 420th Munitions Squadron. Welford reportedly receives annual US weapons shipments worth $145 million. Activists reported seeing lorries carrying explosives between Welford and Fairford up to three times per day in March 2026. Throughout the war, photographers recorded heavy bombs being loaded onto US aircraft at Fairford, while C-130 cargo aircraft delivered JDAMs from US munitions depots elsewhere in Europe. Given Welford’s proximity and reported stockpiles, these deliveries may indicate local reserves were being heavily depleted in operations.
Four US B-1B Lancers reportedly arrived at RAF Fairford between 6–7 March, following Starmer’s 1 March authorisation. Three of the aircraft were diverted to Ramstein Air base due to adverse weather before continuing to Fairford. Their arrival brought the total number of B-1s in Europe to eight, according to The Aviationist. The Rockwell B-1B Lancer is a long-range, supersonic strike bomber with an operational range of 5,841 miles (9,400 km) and the largest payload in the USAF inventory. It can carry a host of armaments, including up to 24 AGM-158 Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles (JASSMs) or GBU-31 Joint Direct Attack Munitions (JDAMs), or 15 larger GBU-38 JDAMs.
Guided by a jam-resistant, imaging infrared (IIR) seeker for autonomous targeting, JASSMs can deliver a 1,000 lb (450 kg) warhead with a reported accuracy of 8 ft (2.4 m). The comparatively cheaper JDAMS are an autonomous air-to-surface delivery system compatible with a range of aircraft and warheads.
According to CENTCOM Commander Adm. Brad Cooper, B-1s and B-2s played a critical role in strikes on missile sites deep inside Iran during the first 72 hours of Operation Epic Fury.
On March 8, two C-17 Globemaster transport aircraft arrived at RAF Fairford. One, believed to be carrying munitions and spare parts for the bomber force, had been diverted to Glasgow Prestwick due to poor weather. Open source flight data indicated that the second had departed from McGuire Air Force Base in New Jersey, according to The Guardian. The transports were joined on 9 March by three B-52s from Minot Air Force Base, North Dakota. On 12 March, three B-1s were seen returning to Fairford after what is believed to have been the first US strike against Iran from a base in the UK. An Al Jazeera team witnessed the aircraft landing and filmed ground crews rearming them with fresh munitions. By this date, Air & Space Forces Magazine estimated that as many as 15 B-1s were stationed at the base alongside three B-52s, representing more than half of the USAF’s mission-capable B-1 fleet.
Speaking to Declassified UK on 7 April, a retired RAF squadron leader said it was “glaringly obvious” that US bombers were conducting offensive strikes on Iran from Fairford. According to the former officer, the base had become the main forward operating location for US strategic bombers in Europe, with at least 15 B-1s and six B-52s stationed there. They argued that the loading of AGM-158 JASSMs and JDAMs was inconsistent with a “defensive posture” and expressed concern that the base may already have been used to attack civilian targets. The ex-squadron leader added that defence was difficult to reconcile with the scale of activity visible at the base, noting that raids involved multiple bombers and extensive aerial refuelling. They also questioned the UK’s role in the “kill chain,” arguing that hosting aircraft, enabling sorties, and even support roles made Britain part of the operation regardless of formal authorisation.
RAF Lakenheath
Suffolk, England – ICAO: EGUL / IATA: LKZ
RAF Lakenheath is home to the 48th Fighter Wing, the USAF’s only combined F-35 and F-15 fighter unit. The largest USAF base in the UK, it hosts more than 6,000 US military personnel alongside over 2,500 British and American civilians, and serves as a staging post for aircraft moving between the continental United States and Europe. Lakenheath plays an important role in deploying US fighter aircraft to the Middle East, with evidence linking Lakenheath-based aircraft directly to combat operations emerging over the course of the conflict.
As early as 17 February, six USAF F-22 Raptors were tracked inbound to Lakenheath, supported by KC-46A Pegasus and KC-135 Stratotanker refuelling aircraft routing through nearby RAF Mildenhall. By 24 February, satellite imagery published by The Washington Post showed a dozen Raptors on the base. Between 24-26 February, Lakenheath received a further 38 fighter aircraft, including F-22s, F-15E Strike Eagles, and F-35A Lightning IIs, before their onward deployment. Hours earlier, the original Raptor contingent had departed for Ovda, Israel. On 27 February, a further 10 F-15s reportedly arrived from Seymour Johnson Air Force Base, North Carolina.
The Lockheed Martin F-22 Raptor is a stealth fighter capable of air-to-air combat, reconnaissance, electronic warfare, and precision strike missions. Depending on its configuration, it can carry AIM-120 AMRAAMs, or two 1,000 lb GBU-32 JDAMs for air-to-ground operations. Like the F-22, the F-15 Strike Eagle is a dual-role fighter capable of both air-to-air and strike missions. It can carry Sidewinders, AIM-120 AMRAAMs, and a wide range of conventional and nuclear air-to-surface weapons. The F-35A Lightning II, the USAF’s newest fighter, can also carry a variety of internal and external precision-guided munitions.
On 4 March, a US service member was rescued after their F-15E was shot down over Iran, prompting a major operation to recover its second crew member. Iranian state media released images of the wreckage, which aviation experts identified as belonging to a Strike Eagle from Lakenheath’s 494th Fighter Squadron. Another F-15 mistakenly shot down over Kuwait on 2 March also originated from Lakenheath. In late March, Declassified UK reported the arrival of A-10 “Warthogs” at the base ahead of a likely deployment to the Middle East.
The A-10 Thunderbolt II is a close air support aircraft armed with a seven-barrelled 30 mm GAU-8/A Gatling gun and capable of carrying up to 16,000 lb (7,200 kg) of ordnance, including cluster munitions and other guided and unguided weapons. Its cannon fires depleted uranium rounds designed to destroy armoured vehicles, making the aircraft a potentially significant asset in any ground invasion and difficult to reconcile with Starmer’s description of a purely “defensive” US posture. Depleted uranium ammunition was used extensively during both Gulf Wars and in Kosovo, where local communities have linked its use to increased instances of cancer.
RAF Mildenhall
Suffolk, England – ICAO: EGUN / IATA: MHZ
Located just seven miles from Lakenheath, RAF Mildenhall is one of the USAF’s two key operating bases in the UK and home to the 352nd Special Operations Wing and the 100th Air Refuelling Wing – the only permanent US aerial refuelling wing in Europe. Although ministers have not publicly linked Mildenhall to the Iran campaign, its refuelling and special operations capabilities enable US forces to operate across the Middle East. Reporting suggests the base played a significant support role during operations against Iran in 2026.
From March through April, aerial refuelling missions from Mildenhall were commonplace. One mission tracked by The Guardian on 3 March showed a KC-135R Stratotanker flying from the base to a refuelling point over the central Mediterranean before returning the same day. Reports between 7–12 April also described frequent flights from Mildenhall to the Mediterranean conducting refuelling and purported surveillance flights in support of operations around Iran.
Four CV-22 Ospreys were deployed from RAF Mildenhall in late February, arriving at an undisclosed Middle Eastern base on February 24 after stops in Marseille, Naples, and Souda Bay, Greece. The Boeing CV-22 Osprey is a tiltrotor aircraft that combines the vertical take-off, hover, and landing capabilities of a helicopter with the speed and range of a turboprop aircraft. Armed with a single .50-calibre machine gun, its primary role is to conduct long-range infiltration, exfiltration, search and rescue, and resupply missions in support of special operations forces.
On March 11, several US MC-130J Special Operations aircraft also departed RAF Mildenhall for an undisclosed destination. The Lockheed MC-130J Commando II is an unarmed aircraft used to conduct clandestine infiltration, exfiltration, resupply, and aerial refuelling missions in support of special operations forces. Four of the aircraft were reportedly fitted with Silent Knight radar, a terrain-scanning system designed for precise low-level flight. The deployment came as US military analysts suggested that reopening the Strait of Hormuz might require ground forces to secure parts of Iran’s coast.
RAF Akrotiri
Western Sovereign Base Area, Cyprus – ICAO: LCRA / IATA: AKT
RAF Akrotiri is the home of the UK’s Cyprus Operations Support Unit (COSU) and is located within one of two UK-administered Sovereign Base Areas in southern Cyprus, remaining British territory when Cyprus gained independence in 1960. Since 2023, the base has received significant attention over claims that it has supported US and Israeli military operations in the region and potentially implicating the UK government in grave violations of international law. On March 2, 2026, RAF Akrotiri was hit by an Iranian Shahed-type drone, suspected to have been launched by Hezbollah in Lebanon.
The drone struck the edge of Akrotiri’s runway near an area used by US U-2 “Dragon Lady” reconnaissance aircraft and reportedly came within 800 yards of British personnel. Earlier that day, Starmer announced that the UK had agreed to US requests to use British bases for “defensive” strikes, but emphasised that the UK was not at war and that its bases in Cyprus would not be used to conduct US strikes. However, it does seem that they have flown a Lockheed U-2S/TU-2S from there. That aircraft is a high-altitude, highly classified surveillance and reconnaissance aircraft that supports US and allied military operations, with a top speed of 410 mph and a range of over 7,000 miles.The U-2s based at Akrotiri form part of Operation Olive Harvest, a long-running intelligence mission covering the Levant that has repeatedly intersected with regional conflicts.
Conclusion
It seems clear that US bases on UK-administered soil have played a significant role in supporting US strikes in Operation Epic Fury.
RAF Fairford provides the strongest immediately-available evidence of direct involvement in combat operations, while NSF Diego Garcia was explicitly authorised for strike missions despite limited reporting of sorties launched from the atoll. RAF Lakenheath served as a key transit hub for combat aircraft, RAF Mildenhall supported refuelling and special operations activity, and RAF Akrotiri appears to have been reserved for intelligence gathering.
While the level, nature and intent of UK support has varied between bases, the distinction between the government’s stated “defensive” seems – at best – to be murky. And even if Westminster was inclined or allowed to pre-approve US targets, dynamic targeting practices would have completely undermined UK-oversight.
Ultimately, the available evidence suggests that the UK’s role in Operation Epic Fury was more substantial than Labour ministers have publicly acknowledged. The question, therefore, is not whether the UK participated directly in the attacks, but whether the government’s characterisation of its involvement as limited and defensive can withstand scrutiny.
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