Executive Summary
This report sets out to examine the relationship between armed violence, international arms transfers and forced migration to the United Kingdom, drawing on original testimony from asylum seekers who fled conflict in Ethiopia, Sudan and Afghanistan. By combining investigative analysis of UK arms export licensing with detailed personal accounts of persecution, displacement and irregular journeys to Britain, it situates individual experiences within a wider political economy of war, aid retrenchment and defence expansion. While it does not claim direct causation between specific UK-manufactured weapons and particular attacks, it documents the structural overlap between states receiving British military exports and the use of explosive weapons in populated areas, alongside the humanitarian consequences that drive flight. The report argues that debates on asylum and small boat crossings cannot be disentangled from the global systems of conflict, arms supply and geopolitical alignment in which the UK is materially and diplomatically implicated.
Introduction
Over recent months, AOAV has undertaken a long-form research project examining the intersection of UK arms exports and forced displacement. The work combines investigative analysis of British arms sales with first-hand testimony from people who have fled conflict zones affected, directly or indirectly, by the global arms trade.
As part of this research, we recorded the accounts of individuals who arrived in the United Kingdom through small boat crossings or other irregular routes after being displaced by armed violence. All intended to seek asylum on arrival and are currently at different stages of the process: some have been granted protection, others are awaiting decisions or appealing refusals.
Funded by the Edith Maud Ellis Trust, the project aims to document and share these testimonies in order to illuminate the lived consequences of conflict and displacement. By placing personal accounts alongside analysis of arms transfers, the research seeks to situate individual journeys within a wider context that links patterns of violence, global arms supply and migration.
Although the participants come from different countries and circumstances, their testimonies reveal recurring themes, including the dangers of displacement, experiences of irregular migration routes and the realities of navigating the UK asylum system. All names have been anonymised to protect the safety and privacy of those involved.
Ethiopia
When Z arrived in the United Kingdom, he had not chosen the route that brought him there, nor did he know where his journey would end. Time was pressing: he was fleeing persecution by state forces in Ethiopia. “The agents decide on this issue… we only pay them”, he explains.
Z had worked as a civil servant in Addis Ababa, but he is originally from the Amhara region, a fact that placed him under suspicion. Since April 2023, conflict has intensified between the Ethiopian government and Fano militias, who claim Amhara as part of their homeland. Civilians have been caught between the two sides.
Reports of widespread abuses have followed. Thousands of allegations of rape, assault and execution of civilians by government forces have emerged, though information has been limited by internet shutdowns, communications blackouts and emergency laws restricting free speech. A 2024 report by Amnesty International found that authorities had “suppressed the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly… including by intimidating human rights defenders and others, and blocking internet access in Amhara region”, while activists, journalists and artists were arbitrarily arrested under emergency legislation targeting dissent.
Z says state security forces accused him of being a Fano militant. “They decided that I’m a member of that group, Fano, and they are looking for me to put me in prison, or they may kill me as well…. That’s why I decided to leave the country.” He adds: “They are always looking for me, I’m under their eye, so if I do something different, immediately I will be killed or I will be put in prison… I am a civil servant here, working for the government, but they are not trusting me as I am from there [Amhara].” He describes the conflict as an “ethnicity-based civil war”.
Conditions in the region have continued to deteriorate. Since September 2024, Amnesty has reported a campaign of “mass arbitrary detention of thousands of people”, many held without charge or trial.
Z’s journey out of Ethiopia was long and dangerous, largely controlled by smugglers. He describes being “under the control of these human traffickers. There’s no law. There’s no rules for them… You may be killed. No one asks.” Smugglers, he says, can be ruthless, and refugees often have little control over where they end up. “One person’s decision doesn’t matter… It’s a mass decision, so if the mass of people decide to go to Italy, or to France or to the UK, you go simply with them. That’s why we came… the UK was not in my mind.”
His journey took six months, travelling through Sudan and Libya before crossing the Mediterranean to Europe. Eventually he reached Italy and then France, only then realising he would attempt to reach the UK. In total, he estimates the journey cost between seven and eight thousand US dollars, including around €1,500 for the Channel crossing.
Compared with other parts of the journey, he says the Channel felt “a little bit safer” than crossing Libya. The Mediterranean route is notorious for violence and exploitation. In 2025 alone, Doctors Without Borders estimated that 1,745 people died attempting the crossing. Z describes how migrants are often tortured by smugglers if they cannot pay. “If you don’t pay, torture may follow… torturing you and recording video and sending that recorded video to your family, so that you will pay. The family may pay… and they will be alive. If not, they may kill them as well.”
For many, he says, such journeys are the only way to escape quickly. Surveillance by government forces makes other routes difficult. “That’s why people are preparing for illegal migration”, he explains.
Ten days before our interview, Z had been granted refugee status in the UK. He says he feels grateful for the reception he received. “They are so welcoming… I saw humanity here because different types of people are coming here for protection, and they [the UK authorities] are really amazing.” The asylum process, he says, was conducted “with dignity”. “No one is torturing you. No one is insulting you. No one is discriminating against you… I do have great respect for UK people.”
Like many asylum seekers, however, he finds it difficult to wait months without being allowed to work. “For the past 10 years I was a civil servant in my home country. It’s been difficult for me, the past few months, to sit idle, which may result in depression.” He believes asylum seekers should be able to work and contribute through taxes. Still, he adds, “if there was not any crisis in my own country, I’m better to stay there”.
Ethiopia has endured overlapping crises for years, including multiple conflicts that have weakened public services and displaced large numbers of people. The International Rescue Committee lists the country among those most likely to face worsening humanitarian conditions in 2026.
Meanwhile, the UK government announced plans in 2025 to reduce foreign aid spending by 40% in order to increase defence spending to 2.5% of GDP, a move criticised by campaigners who warned it would reduce support for countries facing severe humanitarian crises, including Ethiopia. Recent modelling suggests that global aid cuts could contribute to 22 million additional deaths by 2030, including 5.4 million children under five.
Although recent UK arms exports to Ethiopia have been limited, between 2008 and September 2011 the UK licensed military and dual-use equipment worth more than £1.2 million for export to the country. Z argues that international support for the Ethiopian government should be reconsidered. “The United Arab Emirates and Turkey are supporting the Ethiopian government in drone weapons… and so many people have died”, he says. “The UK government, as well as the United States… are the strongest countries in the world, and they have the power to influence such types of dangerous agreements.”
Investigations have shown that Ethiopia has received drones and other weapons from a range of countries including the UAE, Turkey, Iran, Russia, Israel and China. Between 2021 and 2024, the UK authorised arms exports worth between £1 million and £4.5 billion to 84 countries globally, at least 23 of which were involved in the use of explosive weapons in populated areas during the same period, including Ethiopia.
Airstrikes in Tigray illustrate the human toll. An attack on a market in Togoga in June 2021 killed 64 people, while a strike on a camp for displaced people killed 56 more. It is not known whether UK-made weapons were used in these incidents, as many countries involved source arms from multiple suppliers and identifying specific weapons is often difficult.
AOAV’s Explosive Violence Monitor recorded 79 incidents of explosive weapon use in Ethiopia between 2013 and February 2024, resulting in 2,273 civilian deaths and injuries. Of these casualties, 86% occurred after 2021, and nearly half were fatal. The incidents involved a range of actors, including Ethiopian government forces, Eritrean troops and several armed groups.
Despite the scale of violence and displacement, Ethiopians represent a small proportion of those crossing the Channel. Between 2018 and 2024 they accounted for around 1% of small boat arrivals, though asylum claims from Ethiopian nationals had a grant rate of roughly 75%. Ethiopia itself hosts more than one million refugees and asylum seekers, primarily from South Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea.
Sudan
The Sudanese civil war has been raging since 2023, following growing tensions between rival factions of the military – the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). The conflict has brought with it mass displacement and a devastating humanitarian crisis. The UNHCR reports that civilians have faced ‘bombings, attacks, sexual violence, hunger and disease outbreaks’, with millions having to flee their homes.
Over 4 million people have fled Sudan seeking safety in neighbouring countries, with 9 million people internally displaced by the fighting. In total, nearly 13 million people have been displaced by the conflicts in the region, including internally displaced people (IDPs), asylum seekers, and refugees. More than 150,000 people have now been killed, and 24.6 million people face acute food insecurity, with 19 million lacking access to safe water and sanitation. It is considered by some as the world’s largest humanitarian crisis.
Speaking to AOAV, ‘A’ says that he was forced to leave as a result of the fighting. Originally a businessman and farmer from El Geneina, Darfur, he describes how he was pressured to take up arms in a conflict he wanted no part of. Through an interpreter, he describes how he was given a choice to “take up a weapon, or you’re going to die”.
He says he refused government forces, that it was against his beliefs to fight, and that he was subsequently then taken to prison where he was beaten, and his leg badly injured. He describes harsh conditions in the jails, showing pictures taken by people he says have smuggled phones in, to record and upload to social media to raise awareness, all look malnourished, and he says they “get nothing there”.
After that, he says, state forces “took him to the hospital for ten days to treat his leg, and after that he found a way to escape. He says that “when they started to send him to the yard outside, he found a way to just escape from them.” While some of his family escaped to Chad, he left others in Sudan, he says, “facing war every day”.
Unlike other interviewees, his claim has not been accepted by the Home Office, and he is currently waiting on appeal. He says that he did choose to come to the UK, because “it is safe”, and “for protection”.
He doesn’t know what will happen to him if his appeal is refused, but said it is unlikely, he thinks, that he’d be forced to return to Sudan because of the scale of the violence. Though he states that, if he is forced to go back, to “just to prepare the white cloth for myself, to wait for death”, and that, his interpreter says, “it’s death waiting for him there.”
In 2024 and 2025, Sudanese people had some of the highest initial grant rates for UK-arriving asylum seekers. Following a change of government in 2024, the rate of initial claims’ processing increased under Labour. However, this in turn resulted in less accurate claims decisions being made, resulting in the Home Office shifting pending cases into a ‘second backlog’, the appeals system, as reported by Free Movement.
The campaign group has noted that ‘following what appears to be a deliberate decision by the Home Office to lower the asylum grant rate, there are now a lot of people being refused asylum: 75,354 in the year ending September 2025’, with the number of appeals jumping significantly in First-tier Tribunal for the same year from 37,532 to 57,184.
The Conservative government previously faced criticism in 2023 for its failure to fast-track Sudanese asylum claims and, as of 2025, people from Sudan still do not have access to safe and legal routes to enter the country, A arrived in the UK in June of 2025.
More than 3 million people have now returned to certain parts of Sudan, to try and rebuild their lives despite the extensive damage to housing and other infrastructure. Over 83% of these were internally displaced, and others have returned from neighbouring countries like Egypt and Libya to states like Khartoum and Gezira, though across Darfur and other states, where A comes from, intense violence makes returning impossible, and has actually led to an increase in recorded displacement.
Talking about his journey, he describes a dangerous trip where he rarely knew where he was, due to mainly being at sea. He describes being with many other nationalities when trying to cross to the UK, facilitated by smugglers. He says he “just kept focused, to save myself on the sea”.
Like others who gave testimony, he explains that he just followed the crowd, at points not even knowing which among them was the smuggler; “They get the order ‘let’s go, move to the boat’. They just follow each other to go to the boat. They don’t know each other there.”
He describes the difficulty in crossing the English Channel, that “It was really hard. It was really dangerous water, very wavy”, saying that they tried to cross three times. On the first attempt, the boat was damaged, leading them to have to abandon the journey. The second time, he says that someone, he believes the French coastguard, shot at the boat, puncturing it.
While there are limited recorded accounts of this specifically, French Maritime Gendarmerie are armed, and recent investigations have found that they have caused dozens of drownings and disappearances, including of pregnant women and children, using violent tactics against small boats, including circling them and crashing into them, causing them to capsize, and slashing the rubber with knives.
The third attempt, A says “they survived, but when they reached the UK, the waves were very extreme, and they nearly lost the boat because the water came inside”, he says there were many people inside the boat, and luckily survived the ordeal, being taken, soaking, from the sinking ship by the British coastguard.
He says that when he arrived, the authorities gave them warm clothes and food, and treated them well, and like many others awaiting a decision was housed in a hotel, with people from many different nationalities. He says he has been in the hotel for four months. Like others stuck in this kind of temporary accommodation, he expressed frustration at not being able to work, saying that asylum seekers like him would like to work so that “they don’t need to stay in hotels. They can rent by themselves. They can pay rent, they pay tax, and it will be much better”.
He describes how lack of opportunity to work, or being forced, through financial strain, to work illegally as many are, causes “a lot of mental health problems”, where people in his position, he’s seen, turn to things like alcohol and drug abuse, often only after arriving in the UK. His interpreter tells me that “In his view, it’s better to get to work, because in the hotel there’s almost 1000 or 2000 people just sitting without work, without benefits”, and that if he had work he could afford to buy things for himself, rather than relying on the state.
He also talks of confusion felt by many in the asylum system at what they see are constantly changing rules and obstacles put in their way, “we would like to know our rights, actually. While we are seeking asylum, every time we hear different types of rules for our living. Because we are seeking asylum, sometimes we don’t know if we’re gonna continue in the country or leave the country… Are we accepted or rejected? It is really hard….we are coming from war [torn] countries”
Unfortunately, A is one of many now caught up in an increasingly harsh and ever-shifting political and legislative landscape where Labour has proposed major changes to the asylum system, making it more restrictive, giving the government more discretion to deny support and reject asylum claims, including measures to increase returns.
Lastly, he says that one thing he’d like to know is why there isn’t more humanitarian support for Sudan. The country is currently facing the world’s worst famine, spreading across regions like Darfur. The fighting and serious funding shortfalls threaten any attempted humanitarian efforts.
A describes horrors he has witnessed, women and children killed, and how he saw “a lot of people burn in front of his eyes”. Both sides in the conflict have been implicated in committing the most severe atrocities imaginable, including mass killings and body disposals to hide evidence of war crimes, rape as a weapon of war, crimes against children, and ethnically motivated attacks.
Atrocities are being ‘repeated town by town’ in what the United Nations calls ‘collective torture’, including in El Geneina, which has faced some of the worst violence. “We would like to understand if we have humanitarian protection there or not in Sudan, because really, life is awful there. It’s really hard. We don’t see the protection”, A tells me. “When the war started, we tried to go to humanitarian protection, but there was no protection.”
In late 2025, Oxfam estimated that 1,000 people were crossing the border into South Sudan. Of the 13.4 million people in the area, 7.7 million (over 40% of the population) are facing ‘crisis levels of food insecurity’, with as many as 10 million people likely to need humanitarian assistance in 2026.
Aid cuts by the US, UK, and EU have drastically reduced available resources for organisations working in Sudan, the US alone reduced its humanitarian assistance to South Sudan by 40% in 2024. Recent reports indicate that UK aid cuts are to outstrip those of the Trump administration, dropping by 27% in 2026 to help finance an increase in national defence spending.
Amnesty International has recorded how a constant flow of weapons from the United Arab Emirates, China, Russia, Serbia, Turkey and elsewhere have been fuelling ‘relentless civilian suffering’ in Sudan.
The country was in receipt of exports of military equipment from the UK between 2012 and 2022, with totals reaching just over £241k in limited and unlimited licences, with £188k exported in 2022 alone. However, campaign organisation Campaign Against the Arms Trade (CAAT) has tracked a further £251k in military export licences issued over the last three years, including during the current conflict.
Sudan was also included in a list of countries in receipt of arms which have used explosive weapons in populated areas. Though it is not known if UK-made weapons were used directly, AOAV’s Explosive Violence Monitor and open source analysis shows that Sudan was among 23 countries involved in the use of explosive weapons in populated areas during the period they were buying arms from the UK.
Despite a current arms embargo, As of October 2025, Amnesty reported that UK-made weapons were still being used in Sudan, largely diverted through the UAE, in an arms licensing system deemed ‘indefensible’ and ending up in the hands of ‘forces responsible for the widespread killing of civilians’.
Afghanistan
Since 2021, Afghanistan has been under Taliban control following the chaotic withdrawal of US, UK and NATO forces, which ended a twenty-year war launched after the September 11 attacks.
A Foreign Affairs Committee inquiry later described the withdrawal as a “disaster” and a “betrayal” citing “systemic failures” in intelligence, diplomacy and planning. It found that the UK failed to prepare adequately for the US decision to leave and there was a “total absence of a plan for evacuating Afghans who supported the UK mission”.
Freedoms have sharply deteriorated since the Taliban returned to power. Women and girls face severe repression and exclusion from public life, while minority groups have been subjected to targeted violence. Press freedoms have been curtailed, and journalists and critics have been detained and tortured.
Live political broadcasts are banned, as is criticism of the Taliban. Reports have documented extrajudicial killings and arbitrary detentions, including 98 recorded cases in the first half of 2024 alone, as well as 20 cases of torture and mistreatment of former officials. LGBTQ people continue to face severe repression, and Afghanistan still criminalises same-sex relationships, with punishments that can include death under Sharia law.
N, from northern Kabul, is the son of a former military general. He recalls how “before the Taliban took my country, we had a very good life, a good family. Not now.” He was still a student when the government fell.
“I’m the son of a General. My father is a General. My father worked for NATO and the UK government. When the Taliban took all the country, the military needed to leave, because they were fighting with the Taliban”. His father fled after being targeted by Taliban intelligence, and the family came under pressure when they could not find him.
“The Taliban came to my home several times. They arrested me”, N says. He describes being beaten in detention, with a knife used on his face and feet, while interrogators repeatedly asked, “Where’s your father?” He says he lied and told them he did not know. The last he heard was that his father had fled to Iran and had been imprisoned there. Since arriving in the UK, he has had no further news and does not know whether he is alive.
N and his brother were eventually given money by their mother to flee. She remained behind in Kabul with his two sisters and younger brother. “It’s very hard living in Afghanistan for one woman with three, four children, very hard, because now the policy with the Taliban, that if you don’t have a man, or if you don’t have very old children like me, you’re not allowed to go outside.”
Since what many Afghans call “The Fall” in August 2021, the Taliban have issued a stream of directives targeting women and girls. In 2024 they imposed a “vice and virtue law” that banned women’s voices from being heard in public and restricted their movement on public transport without a male chaperone.
Girls are barred from education beyond sixth grade, while women’s work, movement and access to healthcare have all been heavily restricted. Dress codes are strictly enforced, and women have been banned from parks, beauty salons and sport under a system widely described as gender apartheid.
N’s mother now lives with relatives in Kabul after selling the family home to fund the brothers’ escape. Now living in the UK with five years’ leave to remain, N says he tries to send money back when he can. “I send money, like £50 sometimes. I’m not eating too much, for my mother, because if I eat too much, I don’t have money to send my mother”.
He travelled first to Iran, crossing on foot over seven days. He stayed there for two months, struggling to walk because of the injuries to his feet. From there, he and his brother tried to enter Turkey. “There’s a big border. A big wall, it’s very dangerous, but we are trying to jump the wall and run. Some police fired with their guns, shouting ‘stop! stop! Don’t run!’” The Iran-Turkey border is heavily fortified, but many Afghans continue to attempt the crossing. Later, while trying to travel from Turkey to Serbia, the brothers were separated into different smuggler vehicles. N says that when he reached Serbia he was arrested by authorities carrying AK-47s and using attack dogs. He was bitten, beaten, detained and sent back to Turkey. After a short wait, he tried again, eventually moving through several European countries by car before reaching France via Germany.
His mother and uncle paid for both brothers to get to the UK, using an intermediary who released the money only once they had arrived safely. N describes the journey as physically gruelling, involving long walks and cramped travel conditions, at times with “eight, nine, adult men in just one car.”
He describes the Channel crossing as one of the most frightening parts of the journey: “60 people in a very small boat”, including women and children, and “if the UK police do not come, you are in danger. We always die”.
At one point, he says, the boat ran out of fuel in open water, with no land visible. “It’s all dark. You see the water on the beaches, it’s blue and sometimes green, but this is all dark, and you’re scared.” In 2025, 24 people died attempting to cross the Channel in small boats.
After being picked up by border authorities, his treatment by the Home Office was more difficult. He says officials did not believe his age, classifying him as an adult even though he was seventeen. Two years later, he says, he is still trying to correct the mistake. His experience reflects a wider problem of children being wrongly assessed as adults and placed in unsuitable accommodation. His is far from being an isolated incident.
He also describes other bureaucratic obstacles. At one stage he was given the wrong interpreter. “[He] was from Pashto, but I’m a Farsi speaker, he also can speak Farsi, but not very good… he didn’t understand all my words”. Emails to the Home Office, he says, often went unanswered for months.
N says hotel staff were generally “very good”, though some could be rude. He also recalls being confronted by anti-migrant demonstrators in Bromley while walking to college. They asked if he was white. “What should I say?… ‘I’m white, but not like British.’ They said ‘are you a migrant?’, ‘no’, I said, ‘I’m from France’.” They then told him to leave.
Before moving to his current, more secure accommodation, N stayed in several hotels, including one later closed under the Sunak government and another in Coventry. Like many others, he found the ban on work difficult. “If they catch you, the police or home office, they do not give your visa. You’re deported to your country. For that reason, some migrants are still working illegally. They’ll work in a restaurant, they’ll work in a car wash, working as a deliverer…”
He says the uncertainty left him severely depressed. Confined to hotel accommodation with little to do, he began self-harming and thinking about suicide. “Sometimes, I say ‘I want to kill myself’.” He says his mental health has improved somewhat since moving to safer accommodation and being prescribed antidepressants.
N also says he has struggled to advance his family’s case, despite his father’s role in supporting UK forces. He believes it was lost among the 90,000 cases stuck in the Home Office backlog. Appeals to his local MP, Vicky Foxcroft, and to the Defence Minister have not helped, he says, because officials do not recognise his father’s role. Reports suggest that around 200 former Afghan troops and officials had been killed by the Taliban by 2023.
One positive, he says, is that he has been reunited with his brother in the UK. Now studying, he hopes to become an electrician or engineer after completing his GCSEs, and eventually to start a business in London. “I’m very happy in this country”, he says.
According to UNHCR, decades of conflict and repression have left 23.7 million Afghans, more than half the population, in need of humanitarian assistance. By the end of 2024, 5.8 million Afghans were reported to be refugees. The UK’s two Afghan resettlement schemes, ARAP and ACRS, closed on 1 July 2025. They had been presented as lifeline routes for Afghans who had supported British forces or campaigned for rights and democracy. Their closure left many fearing they had been abandoned.
By the end of June 2025, around 35,700 people had been resettled through the schemes, 97% of them Afghan nationals. Around 41% of all arrivals came in the third quarter of 2021. The schemes were also paused between November 2022 and July 2023, when evacuations slowed sharply.
Since 2021, arrivals of Afghans in the UK have increasingly come via small boat crossings. In 2022 and 2023, more Afghans arrived by boat than through resettlement schemes, though that pattern reversed in 2024 and the first half of 2025 before the schemes closed. In the first half of 2025, Afghans were the second most common nationality arriving by small boat, accounting for 12% of such arrivals and 6% of all asylum claims. They were the largest group among small boat arrivals in both 2023 and 2024, and the largest nationality among asylum applicants in 2023.
For many Afghans, asylum has become the main route to protection. Between 2022 and 2024, around 29,600 Afghan nationals claimed asylum in the UK, compared with roughly 15,600 resettled through humanitarian schemes.
Around 23,800 Afghans who arrived by small boat between 2018 and 30 June 2025 claimed asylum, representing 95% of arrivals by that route. Of these, around 10,200 were granted protection or other leave. In the first half of 2025, the grant rate stood at 34%, while 2,000 Afghans who had crossed by small boat were still awaiting a decision.
Between 2008 and 2021, the UK approved £151m in military export licences to Afghanistan, including 86 open licences with no stated limit. These exports formed part of broader US-led efforts to build up Afghan police and military forces, a process also associated with extensive corruption.
British exports included body armour, ammunition, pistols and assault rifles. The UN mission in Afghanistan, UNAMA, has said there is “a strong correlation between the use of weapons and civilian casualties”.
Conclusion
The testimonies in this report reveal the human realities behind forced migration to the United Kingdom. Although Z, A and N fled different conflicts, their experiences share common features: persecution, armed violence, dangerous journeys and limited alternatives to irregular migration. Their accounts show that small boat crossings are rarely the beginning of displacement, but rather the final stage of long and hazardous attempts to reach safety.
Set alongside evidence on arms transfers, explosive violence and declining humanitarian assistance, these stories highlight the wider systems that shape displacement. While this report does not claim that UK-manufactured weapons were directly used in the attacks described, it shows that British arms exports often reach countries experiencing severe armed conflict and civilian harm.
The findings suggest that debates about asylum cannot be separated from the international dynamics that drive people to flee. Understanding the links between conflict, global arms flows and migration is essential if policy responses are to address the causes of displacement as well as its consequences.
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